By Belachew Gebrewold
Violence connects humans - no matter if without delay or ultimately financing violence or by way of struggling with the conflict opposed to terror. Violent incidents are usually deeply rooted in buildings and platforms. With a spotlight on Africa, this examine examines 3 structurally interdependent clash platforms to focus on the complexities of trans boundary and trans nearby clash platforms. The systemic method of learning violence is very compatible for classes on safeguard, peace and clash, political sociology and African politics. you are going to come clear of the ebook with a greater realizing of the underlying currents of violent conflicts and hence a clearer proposal of ways they could be dealt with.
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Extra info for Anatomy of Violence : Understanding the Systems of Conflict and Violence in Africa
Presidential elections are expected for September 2009. Angola and Nigeria have some similarities: dominant oil economy and corruption. According to Abgaje, even the 1999 Constitution of the Fourth Republic of Nigeria is fundamentally flawed and fraudulent ‘given the fact that the final version of the document was authored by a few military officers in the countdown to the Fourth Republic’ (Abgaje 2004: 209). e. it favours federal government over states and local governments (Abgaje 2004: 209–12).
Most of the African states are characterized by state dirigisme; administrative ineptitude; overspending, wasteful practices, extravagance with public funds; many failed political and economic grand initiatives (Ayittey 2005: 307–16). Similarly, the Foreign Policy Failed States Index gives some reasons for state failure: ‘rampant corruption, predatory elites who have long monopolized power, an absence of the rule of law, and severe ethnic or religious divisions’. However, it has to be noted that the Foreign Policy magazine concentrates only on internal factors that cause state failure or weakness.
The Movement System was endorsed by 91 per cent in a referendum in 2000. But since the turnout was low and the pro-multi-party side had limited opportunity to present its case, it cannot be designated as entirely democratic. The 2001 elections were marred in some places by violence and intimidation, which sent Dr Kizza Besigye into exile for four years in South Africa. Museveni orchestrated a parliamentary move in August 2005 to lift the constitutional two-term limit. Consequently, in the February 2006 elections – which the EU Observation Mission and the Commonwealth Observer Group concluded as free and fair despite identifying significant flaws in the campaign process – Museveni won 59 per cent of the vote, whereas Dr Kizza Besigye of the main opposition group, Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), gained 37 per cent, and now controls 37 seats out of 215 parliamentary seats.