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By Caroline A. Williams

''Bridging the Early glossy Atlantic World'' brings jointly ten unique essays via a global workforce of students exploring the complicated results of the intermingling of individuals, flow of products, alternate of data, and publicity to new principles which are the hallmark of the early glossy Atlantic. Spanning the interval from the earliest French crossings to Newfoundland in the beginning of the 16th century to the tip of the wars of independence in Spanish South the USA, c. 1830, and encompassing various disciplinary ways, the members direct specific awareness to areas, groups, and teams whose actions in, and responses to, an ever-more heavily certain Atlantic global stay really under-represented within the literature. a few of the chapters specialise in the event of Europeans, together with French shoppers of Newfoundland cod, English retailers forming households in Spanish Seville, and Jewish refugees from Dutch Brazil making the Caribbean island of Nevis their domestic. Others specialise in the ways that the populations with whom Europeans got here into touch, enslaved, or between whom they settled - the Tupi peoples of Brazil, the Kriston ladies of the west African port of Cacheu, between others - tailored to and have been replaced by way of their interactions with formerly unknown peoples, items, associations, and concepts. including the huge advent through the editor which experiences the importance of the sector as an entire, those essays seize the complexity and diversity of expertise of the numerous women and men who got here into touch through the interval, while highlighting and illustrating the porous and fluid nature, in perform, of the Early glossy Atlantic international.

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74; Klooster, ‘The Jews in Suriname and Curaçao’, pp. 355–6; and Grahn, ‘Cartagena and its Hinterland’, p. 175. 65 Klooster, Illicit Riches, p. 76, and Grahn, The Political Economy of Smuggling, pp. 41–3. Spanish sources also indicate that, on occasion at least, Guajiro chiefs travelled to the island in person to obtain supplies for their communities. See Eduardo Barrera Monroy, Mestizaje, Comercio y Resistencia: La Guajira durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII (Bogotá, 2000), pp. 156–7. 66 Linda Rupert has shown that the contraband trade between Curaçao and Venezuela linked, on the Dutch side, merchants and traders (Protestants and Jews), shipowners, dockworkers and sailors (enslaved and free), with, on the Spanish American side, landholders large and small, plantation labourers, soldiers, vagabonds, runaway slaves, and local officials ‘torn by conflicting loyalties’.

64 Klooster, Illicit Riches, p. 74; Klooster, ‘The Jews in Suriname and Curaçao’, pp. 355–6; and Grahn, ‘Cartagena and its Hinterland’, p. 175. 65 Klooster, Illicit Riches, p. 76, and Grahn, The Political Economy of Smuggling, pp. 41–3. Spanish sources also indicate that, on occasion at least, Guajiro chiefs travelled to the island in person to obtain supplies for their communities. See Eduardo Barrera Monroy, Mestizaje, Comercio y Resistencia: La Guajira durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII (Bogotá, 2000), pp.

Goslinga, The Dutch in the Caribbean and in the Guianas, 1680–1791 (Assen/Maastricht, 1985), pp. 257–61. 68 Rupert, ‘Contraband Trade’: 42–3. See also Israel, ‘The Jews’, pp. 343–4. Israel argues that that the geopolitical context of the Caribbean from the mid-seventeenth century favoured commercial contacts across the Spanish and Dutch imperial divides. After the Dutch surrendered Recife to the Portuguese in 1654, he maintains, the latter’s presence in the Americas proved no more than a commercial threat to Spain, unlike the English and the French, who became increasingly serious political and strategic threats: if it was necessary to obtain supplies, or slaves, from a rival power, as in the 1660s, then the Dutch, who did not endanger the existence of the empire, were preferable to either the English or the French, who did.

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