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By Marshall Foletta

William Tudor, Willard Phillips, and Richard Henry Dana weren't their fathers' Federalists. while those younger New England intellectuals and their contemporaries tried to carve out a spot for themselves within the quickly altering and more and more unfriendly tradition of the early 19th century, the main to their efforts was once the founding, in 1815, of the North American Review.Raised as Federalists, and inspired to think they had detailed tasks as "the clever and the good," they got here of age inside a cultural and political weather that not deferred to males of their schooling and heritage. yet in contrast to their fathers, who retreated in disgust prior to the rising forces of democracy, those younger Federalist intellectuals attempted to conform their mom and dad' ideology to the hot political and social realities and safeguard for themselves a spot because the first public intellectuals in the United States. In Coming to phrases with Democracy, Marshall Foletta contends that by way of calling for a brand new American literature of their magazine, the second-generation Federalists helped American readers cut loose from imported neo-classical criteria, hence paving the approach for the yankee Renaissance. regardless of their failure to reconstitute within the cultural sphere their fathers' misplaced political prominence, Foletta concludes that the unique individuals to the North American evaluation have been significantly influential either within the production of the function of the yank public highbrow, and within the improvement of a imaginative and prescient for the yankee collage that the majority historians position in a a lot later interval. they've got earned a favourite position within the historical past of yankee literature, magazines and journals, legislation and felony schooling, institutional reform, and the cultural background of recent England.

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Additional info for Coming to Terms With Democracy: Federalist Intellectuals and the Shaping of an American Culture

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Amid the increasing tension of local politics and the economic pressure of commercial restriction, Federalists perceived not just a series of policy disagreements but the irrefutable proofs of regional prejudice and Republican conspiracy. John Lowell noted in 1810, just as Quincy had in 1805, the adoption of Federalist policies by Republican opponents. Hamiltonian finance, the National Bank, and naval construction were all offered as proof of Republican co-optation. For Lowell, however, this was no cause for complacency.

It is a difference reflected perhaps most fundamentally in the very term itself. In the 1790s the word intellectual did not designate a type or class of individuals. Literary and intellectual pursuits did not identify particular individuals or groups but rather complemented other contributions to public life made by clergymen, judges, physicians, merchants, and statesmen. But beyond this, it is difficult to speak without considerable qualification regarding the position or power of intellectuals in America.

40 It was thus a frightened and ideologically confused but rabidly partisan party that confronted Madison’s declaration of war in 1812. Federalists cringed at Republicans’ ‘‘hypocritical’’ defense of ‘‘free trade and sailors’ rights’’ and ridiculed their sudden conversion to naval development. The willingness of Republicans to ignore French duplicity offered further proof of a biased and viciously partisan administration. 41 Again, Federalists insisted that these current grievances were only part of a much greater problem.

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