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Additional resources for Democracy and Ethnic Conflict: Advancing Peace in Deeply Divided Societies

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29. On the Israeli case, see Ashley C. Beuttel, ‘Policies of ethnic preference: collective vs. individual rights in Israel’, Middle East Policy, Vol. 5, No. 3, September 1997, pp. 69–89; Gideon Fishman and Arye Rattner (eds), Justice for All? Jews and Arabs in the Israeli Criminal Justice System, Praeger, Westport 1998; Pnina Lahav, ‘Rights and democracy: the court’s performance’, in Ehud Sprinzak and Larry Diamond (eds), Israeli Democracy Under Stress, Lynne Rienner, Boulder 1993, pp. 125–52; Ilan Peleg, ‘Israel’s constitutional order and Kulturkampf: the role of Ben-Gurion’, Israel Studies, Vol.

21, No. 3, May 1998, pp. 408–27. 33. See Yoav Peled, ‘Ethnic democracy and the legal construction of citizenship: Arab citizens of the Jewish state’, American Political Science Review, Vol. 86, June 1992, pp. 432–3. 34. See Oren Yiftachel, ‘Democracy or ethnocracy? Territory and settler politics in Israel/Palestine’, Middle East Report, Summer 1998, No. 8, p. 13. 35. C. 1996, p. 93. 36. See John McGarry and Brendan O’Leary (eds), The Politics of Ethnic Conflict Regulation, Routledge, London and New York 1993, especially Introduction.

18 Theoretical Overview perception that such policy requires coercive means, democratic means (and, even more often, semi-democratic ones) can often achieve the same goals at a lower cost. A unified ethnic majority can easily exclude a minority by using such means as elections, referenda, coalition-building, parliamentary votes, and supreme court decisions. The appropriation of all power over state institutions for the majority and the exclusion of the minority can be achieved via means that most individuals within the ethnic majority, and perhaps even many within the international community, would view as politically and legally legitimate.

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