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By Peride K. Blind

This publication contains out a scientific research of the results of financial globalization on democratization. the writer stories the labour associations of Turkey and Argentina from 3 standards of inner functioning, exterior participation, and structural association.

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Extra resources for Democratic Institutions of Undemocratic Individuals: Privatizations, Labor, and Democracy in Turkey and Argentina

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Paul Pierson (2000) argues that in determining sociopolitical outcomes timing, sequencing, and a few key events matter more than the rational ordering of preferences of key actors . As such, the order in which certain key events take place becomes particularly important in causing the end results. For such an approach, the appropriate methodology is a historical narrative as opposed to a variable-centered statistical analysis (Collier and Mahoney 1996). From such an analytical perspective , the history of the Turkish labor movement can be divided into three phases: (1) the formation phase starting with the establishment of the first SOEs in the erstwhile Ottoman Empire, (2) the development phase starting with the transit ion to a multiparty system in the Turkish Republic, and (3) the restructuring phase starting with the switch to free-market economics in the global era.

They gave fixed portions of their produce to the state and kept the rest for themselves and their families. As for the sipahis, they were soldiers assigned to specific plots of land to ensure steady and peaceful production while ensuring the safety of the peasant families. The principal objective of the system was to feed the large Ottoman armies. Peasants, in the timar system, were not allowed to sell, transfer, donate, mortgage, or inherit the land they worked on . They were not evicted as long as they cultivated their land and paid their taxes in the form of produce .

The right-leaning and relatively younger Confederation of Turkish Just Workers Union (Hak Isci Sendikalari Konfederasyonu, HAK- IS), on the other hand, adopted a clearly pro-privatizations stance, actively supporting and participating in privatizations. While each one of the three labor confederations adopted a pro-democratic political rhetoric, DISK was the most active in reaching out to the civil society and overtly supporting democratization. In Argentina, although only one labor confederation is legally recognized by the state, there too, the labor union structure split into three separate branches with distinct responses and reactions to privatizations.

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