By John Garrard, Vera Tolz, Ralph White (eds.)
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Additional resources for European Democratization since 1800
For an extended discussion of the perceived deﬁciencies of the Articles of Confederation, see Gordon S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776–1787, (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1969) ch. x, especially pp. 403–13. 14. , The Federalist Papers, pp. 125–6. 15. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, 2 vols (1835 and 1840), ed. Daniel J. Boorstin (New York: Vintage Books, 1990). 16. Alexis de Tocqueville, The Old Regime and the Revolution (1856), ed. Stuart Gilbert (New York: Anchor, 1955).
It was rendered worse still by the fact that any form of poor relief automatically robbed recipients of an important and hard-won symbol of respectability – the parliamentary and municipal vote. The deeply shaming effect of all this is substantiated by much respectable working-class testimony up to 1914 and beyond. Moreover, not merely did the spectre of parochial relief make the state seem hostile; it also took the recipient out of the political loop at his or her point of greatest need. The Poor Law had one other highly relevant effect: for respectable working men, it signiﬁcantly reinforced the attractions of friendly society and burial society membership and participation.
Philosophy, Politics and Society, (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1967) p. vii. 24 Liberal Democratic Theory 36. Thus I omit any discussion of the critical and stimulating literature to which the publication of John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Oxford University Press, 1973) gave rise. Rawls periodically responded to this literature, and much of his subsequent thinking is presented in John Rawls, Political Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993). Also not considered is the vigorous debate between liberals and communitarians, for which Rawls himself was partly responsible.