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By Nakanishi, Kimiko

This publication investigates the semantics and syntax-semantics interface of size buildings, equivalent to (non-)split quantifiers and comparatives. The cross-linguistic research unearths that probably assorted buildings may be classified into periods looking on whether or not they degree nominal or verbal predicates, and indicates that the type money owed for why sure buildings have yes features pertaining to distributivity and single-event predicates. during the ebook, specific emphasis is put on problems with compositionality.

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Permutation: friendly, fluffy, orange cat λx. cat(x) ∧ friendly(x) ∧ fluffy(x) ∧ orange(x) b. Drop: friendly orange cat λx. cat(x) ∧ friendly(x) ∧ orange(x) It has been observed that the same properties hold for adverbial modifiers. For instance, given John slept for one hour in the room, we can say John slept in the room for one hour (Permutation) and John slept for one hour (Drop). The parallelism becomes more explicit with the so-called diamond entailments in (35). The adjectival modifiers in (35) and the noun itself are predicates of the same argument.

Thus, Japanese and German behave like English in terms of asymmetries between external and internal arguments both in the syntax and semantics. Following Kratzer (1996, forthcoming), I assume that external arguments are associated with verbs in a neo-Davidsonian fashion both in the syntax and at the level of the logical-conceptual structure. 4. Plurality of events We are now ready to go back to the parallelism between the mass-count and the atelic-telic distinctions. 1 that there is a distinction between mass and count NPs.

9. Schwarzschild (2006) adopts the term “dimension” rather than “measure function”. 10. , liter in three liters of water) and the measure function is a function from individuals to numbers, preserving certain structures in the object domain, as in (i) (Krifka 1989, Higginbotham 1994, Chierchia 1998a). (i) [[three liters of water]] = ∃x[water(x) ∧ liter(x)=3] Schwarzschild makes this change, noting that the standard analysis of MPs is subject to the following three problems. First, the standard analysis does not extend to other occurrences of MPs such as three feet longer or three feet away (see Chapter 3: section 4).

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