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By Maria Guadalupe Moog Rodrigues

What's the function performed by means of neighborhood businesses in transnational environmental advocacy networks? worldwide Environmentalism and native Politics revisits this query by way of transnational environmental activism in Brazil, Ecuador, and India. Rodrigues investigates the interior politics of those networks, concentrating on their inner stability of strength, number of recommendations, and distribution of assets between individuals on the foreign, nationwide, and native degrees. opposite to latest assumptions, neighborhood companies, instead of foreign or nationwide non-governmental agencies, are the foremost avid gamers in those networks, whereas while mere participation in transnational advocacy efforts doesn't inevitably result in the empowerment of neighborhood businesses. Participation might, for instance, impose unanticipated political and technical burdens, and regardless of their overarching universal aim of environmental renovation, community contributors could have various understandings of what environmentally sustainable improvement is and the way it may be top completed.

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Extra resources for Global Environmentalism and Local Politics: Transnational Advocacy Networks in Brazil, Ecuador, and India

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8 To further encourage Amazonia’s occupation, the Brazilian government extended fiscal incentives and credit to economic initiatives in the area. Before 1964, legislation only allowed individuals to deduct up to 50 percent of their income tax for investment in agricultural and industrial initiatives in Amazonia. 9 Amazonian states matched the incentives from the federal government, increasing the resources available. Finally, as an indirect strategy to expand incentives, federal legislation mandated that land acquisition be considered as a part of development costs.

The year 1964 marks the inauguration of a military authoritarian regime in Brazil that lasted until 1984. ” Domestically, geopolitical and national security objectives required the presence of Brazilians and the Brazilian military (as opposed to that of indigenous peoples or foreign missionaries, for instance) in remote frontier areas. Border control was thus to be achieved through the promotion of settlement schemes, the establishment of a military presence, and the construction of roads in the jungle.

It received even more attention in light of Kasten’s reaction to a World Bank response to environmentalists’ inquiries on Polonoroeste. On October 12, 1984, representatives of thirty-three organizations, among them major environmental groups in the United States, Europe, and in the developing world (Brazil, Ecuador, India), as well as members of the Brazilian Congress and the West German Bundestag sent a letter to the World Bank expressing concern with Polonoreste’s implementation. ” He immediately wrote to World Bank president Clausen demanding from him a “credible and responsive answer” to environmentalists’ criticisms of Polonoroeste.

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