By John A. Hall
During this virtually hopeful dialogue of yankee societal improvement, corridor and Lindholm draw upon writers resembling Durkheim, Baumgartner, and Garnier to teach that the US is acutally fortified via its range. There are ample explorations of race and ethnic matters in modern society, delivering for a wondefully woven portrait of the yank cultural panorama. corridor and Lindholm write in a hopeful and straightforward to learn variety, but their dialogue lacks statistical intensity for such a major factor. a high quality textual content via and during.
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Extra resources for Is America Breaking Apart?
Katznelson and A. : Princeton University Press, 1983); M. Mann, The Sources of Social Power, vol. 2, The Rise of Classes and Nation-States, 1760–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), chaps. 15, 17–18. 4 M. 6 There is a good deal of sense in this. 7 Another factor mitigating against class warfare was the perceived potential for upward social mobility through hard work that stands at the core of the American dream. 8 Even today, the most dispossessed Americans continue to believe strongly in Weber, Economy and Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978).
Locke, Two Treatises of Government, ed. P. Laslett (reprint, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), second treatise, sec. 37, cited in J. Tully, Strange Multiplicity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 75. C H A P T E R 1 20 necessarily sketchy and occasional. Still, the crown did attempt to rein in the effective independence of this diverse and decentralized new society—about which, however, it knew next to nothing. Considerable popular resentment was aroused by the British attempt to undermine Puritan hegemony in Massachusetts and by the Proclamation of 1763, which threatened to limit expansion to the West; more important, the interests of local gentry everywhere in the colonies were threatened by the possibility of blocked social mobility should London start to send out large numbers of its own governing agents.
Finally, the sectional balance of the federal system was preserved time and again by compromise, habitually as a result of the South’s threat to secede. The informal agreement to admit one slave state for every new free state was maintained in 1820 and in 1832; the rather different compromise of 1850, allowing the populace of new territories to decide the matter, proved to be a miscalculation on the part of the South. Obviously, both the formal and informal means of bridging the gaps that existed between the different worlds of North and South eventually came to naught.