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Des contributions multidisciplinaires (histoire, sociologie, politique, philosophie) sur l. a. pensée de P. Rosanvallon et sa imaginative and prescient de los angeles démocratie.

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Amid the increasing tension of local politics and the economic pressure of commercial restriction, Federalists perceived not just a series of policy disagreements but the irrefutable proofs of regional prejudice and Republican conspiracy. John Lowell noted in 1810, just as Quincy had in 1805, the adoption of Federalist policies by Republican opponents. Hamiltonian finance, the National Bank, and naval construction were all offered as proof of Republican co-optation. For Lowell, however, this was no cause for complacency.

It is a difference reflected perhaps most fundamentally in the very term itself. In the 1790s the word intellectual did not designate a type or class of individuals. Literary and intellectual pursuits did not identify particular individuals or groups but rather complemented other contributions to public life made by clergymen, judges, physicians, merchants, and statesmen. But beyond this, it is difficult to speak without considerable qualification regarding the position or power of intellectuals in America.

40 It was thus a frightened and ideologically confused but rabidly partisan party that confronted Madison’s declaration of war in 1812. Federalists cringed at Republicans’ ‘‘hypocritical’’ defense of ‘‘free trade and sailors’ rights’’ and ridiculed their sudden conversion to naval development. The willingness of Republicans to ignore French duplicity offered further proof of a biased and viciously partisan administration. 41 Again, Federalists insisted that these current grievances were only part of a much greater problem.

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