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By Gary S. De Krey

This accomplished learn of political and spiritual conflicts examines the problem to recovery associations through Protestant dissent within the London of Charles II's reign. It offers liberty of moral sense because the maximum political factor of the recovery and explains how the competition among dissenters and Anglicans contributed to the improvement of events in 1679-83 that unsettled the country.

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But could exclusion and coercion – policies once fashioned by republicans but now adopted by cavaliers – settle either church or state? Historians have generally treated the coercive Anglican regime as being solidly established after 1660, as “puritanism” declined. 27 In London and 26 27 “Declaration of Breda, 1660” and “Worcester House Declaration, 1660,” in English Historical Documents, 12 vols. (Oxford, 1955–77), VIII, 1660–1714 (1953), ed. A. Browning, pp. 57–8, 365–70. J. Spurr, The Restoration Church of England, 1646–1689 (New Haven, 1991).

Browning, pp. 57–8, 365–70. J. Spurr, The Restoration Church of England, 1646–1689 (New Haven, 1991). 16 London and the Restoration, 1659–1683 in many other boroughs, as well as in some counties, Reformed Protestantism was deeply rooted in local religious culture. As the cavalier parliamentary majority turned to coercion, Presbyterians in London and the country joined Independents and sectarians, their former adversaries, in developing rationales for religious dissent based upon liberty for conscience.

104. 22 London and the Restoration, 1659–1683 sectarian, republican, and leveling publications was also alarming to those who preferred the Cromwellian church settlement and the customary electoral liberties observed in the selection of Richard’s parliament. As it had been in its first sitting, the Rump was also slow to consider the issue of its own replacement in a new parliamentary election. 9 Adding insult to injury, the Rump’s London militia act obliged the city to raise six regiments of horse and foot at the expense of the householders.

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