By Christian B. Miller
Christian Miller offers a brand new account of ethical personality. so much of our pals, colleagues, or even relatives should not virtuous humans. they don't have virtues akin to compassion, honesty, or braveness. yet whilst, they don't seem to be vicious humans both. they don't have vices similar to cruelty, dishonesty, or cowardice. as an alternative most folk this day have characters which don't qualify as both virtuous or vicious. they've got many optimistic ethical beneficial properties, but additionally many unfavorable ones too. Our characters are decidedly combined, and are even more complicated than we would have thought.
On the only hand, many people may kill an blameless individual in an issue of mins stressed from an expert determine as a part of a psychology learn. Or we'd fake not to see an individual cave in from an obvious center assault around the highway. Or we'd make a large circle round a persons dropped papers instead of cease to aid decide them up. but it's also precise that many people might support another individual after we are by means of ourselves and listen to sounds of a non-ambiguous emergency within the subsequent room. Or we'd come to the help of a pal whilst feeling empathy for her want, and accomplish that for altruistic instead of egoistic purposes.
In Moral personality: An Empirical Theory Miller outlines a brand new photo of our ethical personality which consists of what are referred to as combined personality qualities. This photo can assist make feel of ways such a lot people are under virtuous humans but additionally morally larger than the vicious.
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Additional resources for Moral Character: An Empirical Theory
1 CHARACTERIZING GUILT It is customary in the psychology literature to ﬁnd guilt listed under the heading of a self-conscious emotion. In contrast to more basic emotions such as anger, fear, and disgust, these emotions involve the self in their evaluations. More precisely, self-conscious emotions typically involve an implicit awareness of normative standards, of the self ’s responsibility for living up to those standards, and of the self ’s standing in relation to those standards. ” I follow Estrada-Hollenbeck and Heatherton (1998) in understanding prosocial behavior as, “actions that are voluntary and that speciﬁcally beneﬁt another person” (1998: 219), and will treat “prosocial behavior” and “helping behavior” as interchangeable.
Ii) Another approach is to claim that guilt is a more “private” emotion involving painful feelings of conscience, whereas shame is a more “public” emotion involving public disapproval. Again though, the empirical data points in the other direction. Participants have been found to experience both guilt and shame in public contexts, and shame can be experienced in just as solitary and private a way as guilt. See Tangney et al. 1996: 1257, 2007a: 348, 2007b: 25, Tangney 1998: 4, Sinnott-Armstrong 2005: 201, and Lewis 2008: 748.
For a review of different proposals, see Gert 2011. 45 Thus we can distinguish between virtue theory and virtue ethics; most of the leading ethical theories today are virtue theories, since they each offer their own accounts of the virtues and ascribe some normative role to them. But at the same time, many of these ethical theories are best understood as broadly consequentialist or Kantian views, and their advocates also tend to reject some of the central claims of virtue ethics. For more on this distinction, see Swanton 2003: 5, 28 and Snow 2010: 1–2.