Download Negotiating Democracy: Politicians and Generals in Uruguay by Charles Guy Gillespie PDF

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By Charles Guy Gillespie

Uruguay used to be the main strong democracy in Latin the United States, yet in 1973 the army seized energy for the 1st time. Political events didn't disappear, in spite of the fact that, although they have been made unlawful. through the Eighties Uruguay's generals have been worried to discover the way to withdraw from energy. but they endured to insist on definite promises because the expense for containing elections. the problem of no matter if to make any concessions to the army got here to divide the country's 3 significant parties--the Blancos, the Colorados, and the Left. however, the latter events finally did conform to a pact in July 1984. the army agreed to come to the barracks and the politicians made an implicit dedication to not prosecute them for his or her previous human rights violations.

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Carlos Julio Pereyra de Rocha" General Aguerrondo, Herrerismo* Martin Echegoyen Montevideo "903" "504" "904," "2" "874," "26" 209,651 103,661 38,161 459,i7i 38,388 190,181 212,406 91,869 57,385 M7,53i 72,990 "4190" "1001" 70,832 13,559 29,379 "90" 23,409 12,518 "808" 39,55J 21,706 18,516 12,963 "9988" "Por la Patria, Movimiento de Rocha, and W. Beltran's "Lista 400" formed a sublema, "Defensores de las Leyes," to back Ferreira for president. *Herrerismo consisted of two sublemas, "Herrerismo-Ruralismo" and "Unidos a la Victoria," both backing General Aguerrondo for president.

Each list corresponds to a different faction, and this allows the various Blanco and Colorado factions to persist side by side without splitting the parties. In fact, winning elections requires that they not split, however artificial their unity: For a time in the middle of this century, a movement known as the Independent National party broke away from the Blancos; only after they returned to the fold did the Blancos ever win an election. The Blancos and Colorados usually run at least three candidates each in presidential elections.

Although the level of ideological extremism was perceived to be strong during that period, often that was because those with the most polarized positions were also the most audible: politicians, the media, and the guerrillas. Nevertheless, among the intelligentsia, particularly in the universities and among students, radicalism grew in the early 1970s. 4 From 1955 4 One radical leader of the Socialist party bluntly blamed the coup on "the need to take the strict application of the International Monetary Fund's 'recipe' to its ultimate consequences" (personal interview, Montevideo, 1985).

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