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By Paul Chaney

The production of the nationwide meeting for Wales has altered the democratic panorama in Wales. In assuming many coverage and administrative tasks formerly held via crucial executive, the meeting supplies innovation in governance and there are excessive expectancies that devolution will result in major advancements in Welsh existence. This publication questions even if those expectancies usually are fulfilled.

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Extra resources for New Governance, New Democracy?: Post Devolution in Wales

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Again we find that those who are least sceptical about politicians and parties are the most likely to vote in the National Assembly election. Conversely, the more sceptical – which is by far the largest group – are less likely to vote. 9** 362 71 79 40 Richard Wyn Jones and Dafydd Trystan LOGISTIC REGRESSION MODELLING OF TURNOUT AT THE ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS Having reviewed the survey data, and explored some of the possible interpretations of non-participation in the National Assembly election, we shall now move to the consideration of the key factors via logistic regression analysis.

In chapter 4, Williams and Chaney examine the expectations that people from an ethnic minority background in Wales held of the recent historical changes. Taking the debates and discussions leading up to the National Assembly elections as a starting-point, the chapter explores the structures and examines the early actions of the devolved institution. Williams and Chaney discuss what the discourse of inclusiveness means for people from an ethnic minority in Wales and explore how this concept relates to issues of identity and notions of a participative democracy.

To reach beyond the political classes and extend the sense of ownership to the many who currently feel excluded or alienated from the political process . . The support and involvement of the public at large is vital to the achievement of a new inclusive society in Wales. (R. , devolution is explicitly associated with the development of ‘participatory democracy’ (Hain, 1999: passim but especially 14–15). So while ‘nationalist’ concerns with giving institutional expression to national identity certainly formed a subtext to some of Labour’s pro-devolution rhetoric – they certainly feature in Davies’s analysis, and are not entirely absent from Hain’s pamphlet – even where present, they played a subsidiary or secondary role to the main argument.

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