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By Christine Griffin

Representations of minor examines many of the structures of `youth' and `adolescence' in contemporary British and North American study. Mainstream and radical ways have awarded a sequence of `crises' approximately adolescents with regards to, between different issues, unemployment, `teenage being pregnant' and `delinquency'. This booklet considers study in psychology, sociology, schooling, criminology and cultural reports with a purpose to check those bills.
the writer bargains a severe assessment of quite a lot of findings approximately teens in parts as different as schooling and coaching, relaxation, relations lifestyles and sexuality. She indicates that when formative years study texts don't replicate younger people's reports in any hassle-free demeanour, they do point out a few of the advanced and contradictory ways that `youth', `adolescence' and particular teams of youngsters are represented in modern western societies. In so arguing, she offers new phrases for puzzling over the placement of youth at the present time.
this is often a major new textual content accessibly written for college kids of sociology, social psychology and modern tradition in either Britain and america. it is going to even be of significant curiosity to social technological know-how researchers in a variety of different disciplines.

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Extra resources for Representations of youth: The study of youth and adolescence in Britain and America

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Pathology-driven lenses “seek [only] to document pain, loss, brokenness or damage” (Tuck 2010: 638). Within such a model, Indigenous girls remain marginalized, relegated to proving their worth and entitlement through the mutually constituting discourses of risk/ trauma and deservedness/thankfulness. As Linda Tuhiwai Smith argues, a damage-centered approach reduces Indigenous people to “making claims” about their “rights and dues” (2012: 143). This approach reasserts settlers’ authority to legitimize Indigenous contestations, to give up the resources they now control—a restructuring of power that is unlikely under an active colonial state, and one that mutes invaluable accounts of resurgence and presencing.

Here, I want to focus on the many girls for whom ancestral and community connections matter. For so many girls, particularly those of mixed backgrounds who may not identify as Indigenous or who grew up disconnected from their territories, cultures, and communities, stories that model presencing are salient even if tenuous and partial. As Krestin and Sarah outline, such connections, however difficult, are meaningful: It’s hard, because for me, I personally don’t have that cultural knowledge. I … didn’t grow up knowing my culture.

Their stories emphasize the creative ways in which Indigenous women and girls have, for hundreds of years, mobilized as activists, teachers, healers, leaders, and advocates, pushed for legislative and policy change, initiated grassroots movements and organized international advocacy, created community-based services and alternative economies, and acted as spiritual and cultural leaders (see Anderson and Lawrence 2003; Martin-Hill 2003; Andrea Smith 2005; Suzack et al. 2010). Many of the girls I work with are aware of this legacy of tremendous strength and resilience, and many participate in individual and collective resistances of all kinds that connect them with other girls, sisters, women, aunties, and grandmothers.

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