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By Eric J. Evans

Sir Robert Peel provides an available and concise creation to the lifestyles and occupation of 1 of the main political leaders of the 19th century. possibly most sensible identified for seeing in the course of the Repeal of the Corn legislation, Peel had a massive effect on political lifetime of his age and past. Eric J. Evans reassesses Peel's occupation, arguing that even supposing Peel's government and administrative strengths have been nice, his vanity, loss of empathy with the improvement of political events and his rigid dedication to monetary liberalism provided political difficulties which he used to be incapable of solving.

This elevated and entirely revised moment edition:

  • fully engages with the vast new old paintings on Sir Robert Peel released because the first variation seemed fifteen years ago
  • includes a word list of key words plus an up-to-date and accelerated bibliography, together with directory worthwhile web pages.

Sir Robert Peel is the fitting creation for all scholars of nineteenth-century history.

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Extra resources for Sir Robert Peel: Statesmanship, Power and Party

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Peel’s task was now not just to lift morale but to find organizing principles and ideas around which a plausible Tory revival could be mounted. 30 5 A King’s minister out of office: Peel in the 1830s During the nine years immediately after the passing of the Great Reform Act, the Whigs were in office almost without a break. First Earl Grey and then Viscount Melbourne headed administrations responsible for important measures which many historians have seen as justifying the title sometimes given to the 1830s: ‘the decade of reform’.

An amending Act in 1824 provided a code for the classification and, if necessary, physical separation of different categories of prisoner, enabling juvenile offenders to be treated differently from adults. As with legal reforms, Peel followed the lead of others, but he showed sound judgement in selecting workable from fanciful, or wildly expensive, solutions. 17 Peel’s direct involvement with trade union legislation derived from the problems attending the legalization of unions (or ‘combinations’ as they were called) by the Combination Act of 1824.

Wealthy politicians born between about 1770 and 1800 sincerely believed that they were engaged in a desperate struggle to uphold the old order, hereditary privilege and civilized values against what that quintessentially anti-French Revolutionary warrior Edmund Burke called the ‘rash and speculative opinion’ threatening to destroy the world they knew. Liberal Toryism in the 1820s might more appropriately be seen as the 15 first, cautious recognition that the old world had not been destroyed and that, after Napoleon’s final defeat at Waterloo, governments could safely adapt to change rather than manning what some were beginning to see as anachronistic ideological barricades.

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