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By Michael Moerman

Argues that anyone—anthropologist, psychologist, or policeman—who makes use of what humans say to determine what humans imagine had larger know the way speech itself is equipped.

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Extra info for Talking Culture: Ethnography and Conversation Analysis

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60-61 and Chapter Five, pp. ) We can see whether it is done differently on different types of occasions, or among different types of persons. But in applying Sacks' and Schegloff's discoveries, we will come to modify them. <><><><><><><><><><><><> Reference occasions are produced by people talking to some purpose.

I want you to admire their interactive liveliness, close choreography, strategic precision, and cultural depth. Not that there is anything special about these homely "mistakes" in turn-taking. Under close examination, any real conversational event reveals some of its intricate beauty. The specks of talk visible through the lens of conversation analysis swarm with life, are packed with meanings, and are artfully constructed in recognizably human ways. In conversation, normatively and by definition (Sacks, et al.

It is nevertheless possible to compare Thai with American collections of initial references to non-present persons. Doing so discloses striking correspondences in how they are sequentially organized. 1 Thai, like English, permits initial reference to non-present persons to be made by means of such "non-recognitional forms" as: 1) pronouns (XIV:1); 2) O-form subject or object nominals (XV:1); < previous page page_37 next page > < previous page page_38 next page > Page 38 3) categories like the 'kids' of XVI:1, especially when preceded by such words as phûak or mùu, meaning 'type of,' 'kind of,' 'group of'; 4) "descriptors" of the kind instanced by XVII:3, 20-21.

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