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By P.R. Cavill

Paul Cavill deals an enormous reinterpretation of early Tudor constitutional heritage. within the grand "Whig" culture, the parliaments of Henry VII have been a disappointing retreat from the onward march in the direction of parliamentary democracy. The king was once at top detached and at worst adversarial to parliament; its conferences have been cowed and quiescent, subservient to the royal will. but little learn has validated those assumptions. Drawing on wide archival examine, Cavill demanding situations present debts and revises our figuring out of the interval. Neither to the king nor to his topics did parliament seem to be a waning establishment, fading earlier than the waxing energy of the crown. For a ruler in Henry's weak place, parliament helped to revive royal authority via securing the nice governance that legitimated his regime. For his matters, parliament served as a medium by which to speak with the govt. and to shape--and, occasionally, criticize--its guidelines. end result of the calls for parliament made, its impression used to be felt through the state, between traditional humans in addition to one of the elite. Cooperation among matters and the crown, instead of clash, characterised those parliaments. whereas for lots of students parliament didn't actually come of age till the 1530s, when-freed from its medieval shackles-the glossy establishment got here to embrace the sovereign country country, during this learn Henry's reign emerges as a constitutionally cutting edge interval. principles of parliamentary sovereignty have been already commencing to be articulated. It used to be right here that the rules of the "Tudor revolution in executive" have been being laid.

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Extra resources for The English Parliaments of Henry VII 1485-1504 (Oxford Historical Monographs)

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82–9, 331–6, xvi. 1–7, 89–91, 135–40, 280–2, 314–18. This page intentionally left blank I THE CROWN AND PARLIAMENT This page intentionally left blank 1 Legitimation Although legislation and taxation dominated the rolls (the official record of a session), each parliament was also a political occasion: an interface between the crown and its subjects. A parliament could project majesty, demonstrate the king’s respect for proper government, and provide a channel for communication. This chapter sets out some structural and ceremonial features that helped discharge these roles.

VII, letter of 28 March. A name has been erased from the bill of attainder: OA, 19 Hen. VII, no. 24. Symson was pardoned by 21 April: PRO, C82/257. ⁹¹ PRO, KB27/900, rex rot. ; KB29/116, rot. 16d; C. H. Williams, ‘The Rebellion of Humphrey Stafford in 1486’, EHR 43 (1928), 181–9. ⁹² PRO, DL5/3, fos. 195v–196v. ⁹³ PRO, C82/5 (15 Dec. 1485). ⁹⁷ Restoration served as a probationary system in which men could work their way back into the king’s favour and which also helped to heal the fractured political nation.

274–85 at 278. ²⁰ PROME xvi. 101 (RP vi. 444). ²¹ Christine de Pisan, The Boke of the Fayt of Armes and of Chyualrye (Westminster, 1489), envoi. ²² During the course of a session, peers and MPs were also kept informed of important developments. ²⁹ Participation in these collective actions possibly promoted an affinity between king and realm. ³⁰ Plural counsel was preferable to singular counsel because ‘through the counsel of them [the many] the better and surer ²² G. Rosser, Medieval Westminster: 1200–1540 (Oxford, 1989), 39.

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