By Andrew Cain
Within the centuries following his demise, Jerome (c.347-420) used to be honored as a saint and as one of many 4 medical professionals of the Latin church. In his personal lifetime, notwithstanding, he used to be a critically marginalized determine whose highbrow and religious authority didn't cross unchallenged, now and then now not even by means of these in his internal circle. His ascetic theology was once rejected through the majority of Christian contemporaries, his Hebrew scholarship used to be known as into query via the major Biblical professionals of the day, and the attractiveness he cultivated as a pious monk used to be compromised via allegations of ethical impropriety with a few of his lady disciples. In view of the super challenging nature of his profile, how did Jerome search to carry credibility to himself and his a variety of explanations? during this booklet, the 1st of its variety in any language, Andrew Cain solutions this important query via a scientific exam of Jerome's idealized self-presentation around the entire variety of his extant epistolary corpus. smooth students overwhelmingly both entry the letters as old assets or savour their aesthetic houses. Cain deals a brand new technique and explores the principally overlooked yet still primary propagandistic measurement of the correspondence. particularly, he proposes theories approximately how, and peculiarly why, Jerome used person letters and letter-collections to bid for prestige as knowledgeable at the Bible and ascetic spirituality.
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Extra resources for The Letters of Jerome: Asceticism, Biblical Exegesis, and the Construction of Christian Authority in Late Antiquity (Oxford Early Christian Studies)
Ant. 3: ÂNÒ„‹ÊÂÙÔ „ÔÄÌ Ù·}Ú ˜ÂÒÛﬂÌ, IÍÔ˝Û·Ú∑ ≠ ‰b IÒ„eÚ ÏÁ‰b KÛËÈ›Ù˘. On the work ethic of self-suﬃciency in desert Christianity, see Daniel Caner, Wandering, Begging Monks. , 2002), 200–3. 49 Ep. 2. 50 Cf. Jerome’s comment to the monk Rusticus that ‘ﬁlthy clothing should be a sign of a pure mind’ (Ep. 7). , 2000), 134–70. , 2002). 52 Hist. rel. 2: ÒÔÛÂÙﬂËÂÈ ‰b ÙÔ˝ÙÔÈÚ Ùe KÍ ÛÈ‰ﬁÒÔı ˆÔÒÙﬂÔÌ ·P˜›ÌÈ Í·d OÛˆ˝˙ Í·d IÏˆÔ}Ì ÙÔ}Ì ˜ÂÒÔ}Ì∑ Í·d Í¸ÏÁÌ ‰b äˆÂÒÂÌ ·P˜ÏÁÒaÌ Í·d Ï›˜ÒÈÚ ·PÙ˘Ì ˜ ‰ÈﬁÍÔıÛ·Ì Ù˘Ì ˜ Ô‰˘Ì ˜ Í·d ÂÒ·ÈÙ›Ò˘ ÒÔ‚·ﬂÌÔıÛ·Ì Í·d ÙÔ˝ÙÔı ˜‹ÒÈÌ Ù˜ © Á NÓ˝˙ ÒÔÛ‰Â‰ÂÏ›ÌÁÌ.
WS, 110 (1997), 171–86; Hildegund Müller, ‘Der älteste Brief des heiligen Hieronymus. Zu einem aktuellen Datierungsvorschlag’, WS, 111 (1998), 191–210. 9 For an overview of its transmission, see Schwind, ‘Hieronymus’ Epistula ad Innocentium’, 174–5. If Ep. 1 was not part of the liber, it means that Jerome did not bother to account for it at all in Vir. ill. 135. This, however, is not problematic inasmuch as his auto-bibliography is not exhaustive. For example, he did not list his translation of Origen’s homilies on Isaiah or his now-lost commentary on Obadiah written in the 370s.
Paris, 1967), i. 433; Rebenich, Hieronymus und sein Kreis, 85–91. , Paris, 1945). , Epp. 2: nunc barbaro Syriae limite teneor. The Letters of Jerome 23 it, it talks to me; it alone of those here speaks Latin. For around here one must either learn a barbarous half-language or say nothing at all’. ’ 38 In another letter to the same correspondent he clariﬁes that he has ﬂed to this wilderness ‘because of my sins’ (pro facinoribus meis). 39 For the Oriental hermits, the desert was a redemptive locus where the paradise that had been lost through sin could be regained through spiritual perfection, and Jerome was consciously inscribing himself into their hallowed tradition.