By Michael Mason
* the 1st ebook to envision transnational responsibility for environmental damage and what might be performed to make polluters pay * presents actual, potent coverage framework and functions of cross-border environmental responsibility* worthy for researchers, policymakers, NGOs, activists, scholars, and all others plagued by transboundary toxins the expansion of toxins that crosses nationwide borders represents an important possibility to human health and wellbeing and ecological sustainability. a variety of foreign agreements exist among nations to lessen hazards to their populations, even if there's usually a mismatch among nationwide territories of country accountability and transboundary dangers. All too usually country priorities don't fit the priorities of the folk laid low with toxins, who frequently have little recourse opposed to significant polluters, relatively transnational agencies working throughout nationwide limitations. Drawing on case stories, "The New responsibility" presents a clean figuring out of democratic responsibility for transboundary and worldwide damage and argues that environmental accountability can be validated in open public discussions approximately damage and hazard. so much severely, it makes the case that despite nationality, affected events might be capable of call for that polluters and damage manufacturers be held chargeable for their activities and if worthy supply reparations.
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Additional resources for The New Accountability: Environmental Responsibility Across Borders
Miller, 1999: pp206–13). And as the growth of environmental regulation in many countries illustrates, national governments (for a variety of motives) regard ecological sustainability as an appropriate policy domain for harm prevention. The high priority in international environmental law afforded to the general obligation not to cause environmental damage reflects acceptance of a liberal no-harm principle (neminem laedere) in global governance (Kratochwil, 1989: pp9–10). Various state obligations for internal and external action derive from this principle, but that most central to transboundary ecological harm is the obligation of conduct on states requiring the prevention of damage to the environment.
Yet to discard also any prospect for further elaboration of a universal human right to a clean, healthy or viable environment ignores the vocal arguments of environmental activists, taking as politically settled what is actually strongly contested (see Chapter 2). More pertinently in this chapter, it also accepts as legitimate for transnational publics what has emerged from an international legal framework crafted above all by states upholding national interests. The non-territorial notion of democratic accountability is certainly consistent with the global aspirations of core civil and political human rights: indeed, such rights are a necessary precondition for promoting the reciprocal recognition and open identification of individuals as members of affected publics.
Trade, development assistance, security policies) are creating new transnational human rights obligations (Skogly and Gibney, 2001). Could these new state responsibilities include transnational obligations owed to members of affected publics on the basis of human environmental rights? While lacking an unambiguous expression in international law, proposals for a substantive human right to a clean, healthy or viable environment have come from many sources, including environmental NGOs, intellectuals, several state constitutions and the United Nations Human ights Commission – notably the 1994 report on human rights and the environment by its Subcommission on the Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities (the Ksentini eport).