By James Cronin
The growth of the British country was once neither computerized nor unintentional. particularly, it used to be the result of ordinary battles over the correct obstacles of the nation and its position in economic system and society. The Politics of nation growth makes a speciality of the pursuits arrayed on both sides of this fight; delivering a brand new and important viewpoint at the progress of the `Keynsian welfare nation' and at the more moderen retreat from Keynes and from collective provision.
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Extra resources for The Politics of State Expansion: War, State and Society in Twentieth Century Britain
The goal of creating a unified civil service, with pay and conditions comparable across departments and similar methods of organization applied throughout the government, thus remained elusive. 44 Perhaps the most serious consequence of this essentially negative type of control was that it tended to pit the Treasury and the Chancellor against the spending departments and their representatives in Cabinet. Innovations in social and economic policy were sufficiently rare in the late nineteenth century to ensure that those which were implemented enjoyed fairly broad political support, Hence, Treasury resistance to the necessary expenditure—on education, for example—was correctly seen as impeding the The Victorian inheritance 31 policies adopted by the government as a whole.
This was perhaps one reason behind the effort by industrialists to have the Board’s position altered and to have it made into a ministry of “commerce and industry,” in which role it could serve as an advocate for the nation’s business. Still more social and economic functions were added to the Board’s duties under Lloyd George and Churchill from 1906. The Board was placed in charge of the new Labour Exchanges in 1909 and it was made responsible for the unemployment section of the National Insurance Act of 1911.
In particular, the continued increase in public expenditure led to a broad recognition of the need for further revenues and this in turn made progressive taxes seem more attractive. For most of the century a conscious policy of imposing direct and graduated taxes had been “beyond the pale” of normal political debate. ” Graduation continued to fascinate policy-makers desperate for revenue, including Randolph Churchill and even Goschen, and Sir William Harcourt took a modest step towards progressivity with the introduction of a new scale of graduated death duties in 1894.