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By Han Han

Chosen from web publication posts from 2006-present, This iteration tells the tale of contemporary China from Han Han's certain viewpoint. Writing on subject matters as varied as racing, prostitution, and the way to be a patriot, Han Han has written a diary that isn't in basic terms beneficial for the English-speaking international to appreciate our emerging jap companion and rival, yet so as to lengthy be remembered as a millennial time capsule.

The middle of this anthology is drawn from the gathering Qingchun (Youth), released in Taipei in 2010, however it additionally includes a sprinkling of either older and more moderen items. provided in chronological order, the series opens with a handful of early posts; it excerpts Han Han's paintings extra totally starting in 2008, the 12 months while he particularly hit his stride and his weblog commanded a bigger and bigger viewers within the run-up to the Beijing Olympics.

The anthology closes with Han Han's arguable cluster of essays published within the ultimate days of 2011.

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In short, the idea of jun pin fu reflects the populist tradition in Chinese political culture. 1 is a summary of the traditional model of Chinese utilitarian justification. S. 1 The traditional model of Chinese utilitarian justification Key Variable Core Values Measurements Policy Choices “天下和静在民乐” Political stability lies in the happiness of the people 利民 Benefiting people “家给人足, 天下大治” The state will be at peace if all families and individuals are prosperous “九功允治” There are nine policies leading toward good governance 均贫富 Equal distribution of wealth “患不均而不患寡” People are not afraid of scarcity of wealth, but the unequal distribution of it “行莫高于厚民” To enrich people is the highest goal of government action “不与民争利” Government should not take profits away from the people “权有无, 均贫富” Government should regulate the distribution of wealth and redistribute it if necessary “富而能夺,贫而能与” Take from the rich and give it to the poor artisan/small-scale farming economy, which eschewed vast disparities of wealth and income in a republican society.

The pace of the increase is also alarming. In 1994, for example, officially there were only 19,098 labor disputes; in 1995, however, the labor department reported 33,030 labor disputes, a 73 percent increase in a single year. In recent years, the acceleration has slowed down somewhat. In 2004, there were 270,000 labor disputes. 36 The increasing income disparities among various population groups have challenged the legitimacy of the technocracy. Though efficiency and economic achievement continue to serve the technocrats very well as a basis for their legitimacy, the deficiency in equity-based utilitarian justification can lead to a crisis of legitimacy.

We will discuss the Pareto and Kaldor–Hicks efficiency later. Zhang’s view makes a good point, that is, the revolutionary modernizers are not efficiency-driven. Instead, they care most about transforming the society into a utopia-like perfect 28 ● Baogang Guo place with equality and justice for all. For the most part, they represent the interests of poor peasants and urban workers, and are inherently anti-capitalist and antimarket. To achieve their goals, they put a tremendous amount of energy in reorganizing the society, and turn it into a totalitarian one.

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