By Rebecca K. Root (auth.)
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Extra info for Transitional Justice in Peru
27 As the 1990s approached, anticipation of a military coup grew. Three arguments were offered in support of a military coup. The ﬁrst, frequently expressed by military leadership, was that democracy could not survive in the context of a violent subversive threat to the state. Democracy had to be dropped in order to allow the armed forces of Peru, like those of the Southern Cone in their earlier campaigns against subversives, to inﬂict total defeat upon the rebels. The second argument was that the military was the only institution efﬁcient, organized, and nationalistic enough to protect the national interest.
In the 1990s, the Coordinadora led a lengthy campaign to address the wrongful imprisonment of many hundreds of Peruvians convicted under TRANSITION 47 Fujimori’s antiterrorism laws. Obviously, championing individuals convicted of terrorism was a risky choice that could easily have been seen as proof of the “terrorist sympathizer” accusations. A public campaign entitled “In the Name of the Innocents” and an abundance of facts to support their claims enabled the NGOs to avoid this pitfall and to win presidential pardons for 150 convicted prisoners.
63 Much more damaging to Fujimori’s popularity was his choice to pursue a third term in the May 2000 elections. The campaign to orchestrate his “re-reelection” began in 1996 and required extraordinary efforts on the part of both Fujimori and Montesinos to undermine all institutional obstacles to the president’s reelection, including those established in the 1993 Constitution. They relied more and more upon bribery and intimidation to get their way. Analysts surmised that this desperation to secure a third term must be rooted in fear that their crimes in ofﬁce would be exposed under a new administration.